Allama Mashraqi

People often ask me questions about Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement). Well wishers of Mashriqi suggested that I compile the most common questions into a single document. I hope that this list of frequently asked questions will be a useful source of information for people:

Question: When did Mashriqi obtain his Masters in Mathematics and what was his position in the final examination?
 
Answer: Mashriqi obtained his M.A. in Mathematics in 1907 from the University of Punjab in Lahore, India (Lahore is now part of Pakistan). He finished first and broke all previous records.

Question: When did Mashriqi join Christ’s College (University of Cambridge, U.K.) and what were his educational accomplishments?

Answer: According to the student record at the Department of Manuscripts and University Archives, Inayat Ullah Khan (Allama Mashriqi) matriculated as a “Pensioner” (that is, a student paying fees to his college) at Christ's College on 21 October 1907. Below is a summary of Mashriqi’s accomplishments at Cambridge:

• 1908 - Placed first in a preliminary examination in Mathematics and was declared Foundation Scholar
• 1909 - Passed Mathematical Tripos (declared Wrangler and Bachelor Scholar)
• 1909 - Graduated as a Bachelor of Arts on June 22
• 1911 - Passed Natural Sciences Tripos
• 1911 - Passed Oriental Languages Tripos
• 1912 - Passed Mechanical Sciences Tripos

Question: Has anyone broken Mashriqi’s academic records at the University of Cambridge?

Answer: To the best of my knowledge, those records have yet to be surpassed.

Question: What was Mashriqi’s first assignment after he completed his education?

Answer: At age 25, Mashriqi began his career as Vice Principal of Islamia College in Peshawar, India (Peshawar is now a part of Pakistan).

Question: When was Mashriqi appointed as Under Secretary of Education in British India?

Answer: Mashriqi was appointed as Under Secretary of Education in place of Sir George Anderson on October 17, 1917.

Question: When did Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar invite Mashriqi to head the
Department of Mathematics at Jamia Millia Islamia University (India)?

Answer: Maulana Jauhar sent the invitation in 1920.

Question: Why did Mashriqi refuse offers of Ambassadorship to Afghanistan and Knighthood?

Answer: Mashriqi declined these offers in deference to his patriotic sentiments.

Question: When was the Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement) founded and what were the Movement’s activities?

Answer: Allama Mashriqi laid the foundation for the Khaksar Tehrik in 1930.  From 1930-1947, the Khaksars worked tirelessly for the cause; some of the main activities of the Movement were: focusing on character building, holding Khaksar camps and mock wars, organizing daily parades, spreading the Khaksar message, distributing motivational pamphlets, mobilizing people for freedom, providing community service, and forging brotherhood and unity (regardless of religion, caste, color or creed). These activities were geared towards nation building and were intended to convert the people into a robust force for seeking independence and reviving the lost glory of the nation.

Question: How was the Khaksar Tehrik funded?

Answer: The Tehrik was funded on a self-help basis. There was no subscription or membership fee to join the Tehrik. Everyone, including Mashriqi, was required to meet their personal expenses from their own pocket.

Question: Was the Khaksar Tehrik open only to Muslims?

Answer: No, the Movement was open to anyone, regardless of religion, caste, color or creed; there was no discrimination allowed in the Tehrik. In fact, members of the Tehrik included Hindus and Sikhs.

Question: How large was the Khaksar Tehrik’s total membership?

Answer: The Tehrik had millions of followers, sympathizers, and supporters. It had thousands of offices all across India, as well as a number of foreign offices in places such as Burma, Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), Bahrain, and South Africa (see the legislative Assembly Debates, September 23, 1942). “The Eastern Times”, Lahore wrote on November 01, 1942, “He [Mashriqi] asserted that 40 lakh [four million] persons had joined his movement and they carried the red badge on their shoulders.” Syed Shabbir Hussain (a veteran journalist who spent over 40 years in the profession) also commented on the size of the Khaksar Movement in his book entitled “Kashmir aur Allama Mashriqi”. According to Hussain, “In the span of 17 years, four million people showed their inclination towards this movement.”

Question: When were the weeklies “Al-Islah” and “The Radiance” started?

Answer: “Al-Islah” (the Khaksar weekly) in Urdu was started from Lahore in 1934. “Al-Islah” in English was started from Lahore on March 13, 1949. “The Radiance” (another Khaksar weekly) in English, as far as I know, was started in Aligarh (U.P, India) in February of 1941 (it is no longer published).

Question: How did the Khaksar Tehrik mobilize the nation?

Answer: The Khaksar Tehrik’s activities for mobilizing the nation included holding parades in public places, staging mock wars, organizing training camps, distributing pamphlets and “Al-Ishah” (the Tehrik’s weekly published by Idara-i-Aliya), and striving to bring about unity between Muslims and non-Muslims in order to jointly overthrow foreign rule. Through their activities, the Khaksars gained a large following; many people used to gather to watch the Khaksar parades and training camps, and a number of others enrolled in the movement. In short, the Movement provided inspiration to the people to rise up against foreign rule.

As a result of the success of the Khaksar activities, many other volunteer movements began to emerge. The Muslim League National Guard as well as Hindu and Sikh volunteer organizations all followed the example set by the Khaksar Tehrik. The emergence of these other volunteer movements is confirmed by the British reports of the time.

Thus, the Khaksars mobilized the nation for freedom not only through their direct activities, but also by inspiring other parties to follow suit, thereby bringing awareness among the masses and spawning an entire freedom movement.

Question: What was Mashriqi’s role towards the freedom of British India?

Answer: By spreading the Khaksar Movement’s ideology, Mashriqi successfully awakened the nation from its deep slumber. He generated the spirit among the Indians to rise up and seek liberty and successfully advanced the cause of freedom through his Khaksar Tehrik. Mashriqi’s activities included attending Khaksar camps, addressing the Khaksars and public congregations, making press statements, writing in “Al-Islah” (a Khaksar weekly), and holding meetings and corresponding with public leaders. During the course of his efforts, Mashriqi exchanged correspondence with leaders such as Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Raj Gopal Acharia, and Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru.

Question: Was Mashriqi seeking power?

Answer: Mashriqi never sought power for himself, but rather wanted to empower the people. He did not agree with the Government’s policies (pre- or post independence) and felt that they were not benefiting the common person. Thus, he turned down top political positions and honors on a number of occasions in favor of working for the masses.

Question: Was Mashriqi a dictator?

Answer: Definitely not. Allama Mashriqi was a humble, approachable person who treated others with the utmost respect, regardless of their social status. As the leader of the Khaksar Tehrik, Mashriqi ensured that everyone was treated equally. For instance, on one occasion, while parading with fellow Khaksars, Mashriqi made a mistake by marching out of step. The Salar at the head of the formation noticed this and informed Mashriqi of his mistake; Mashriqi was then held accountable for his mistake just like any other Khaksar. Furthermore, even though Mashriqi was the head of the Khaksar Tehrik, he could be placed anywhere in the formation. This shows that the Allama made no distinction between himself and his fellow Khaksars. His emphasis on equality for all clearly shows that he was not a dictator; rather, the label was placed upon him by Anti-Mashriqi elements.

Question: Was the Khaksar Tehrik a fascist organization? Did the Movement believe in violence? 

Answer: Not at all! Even a cursory study of the Khaksar Tehrik and its members makes it clearly evident that the Movement was not at all fascist or violent. The aim of the Tehrik was to bring justice, equality and unity to mankind, regardless of race. The Tehrik denounced discrimination against anyone, and made community service a fundamental tenet in order to unite the masses. Even the Tehrik’s flag carried the message of “brotherhood.”

As for the Khaksars themselves, they were humble, unassuming, and modest, as is reflected by the fact that the word “Khaksar” itself literally translates to “like dust.”  Every Khaksar even wore a badge with the word “brotherhood” inscribed on it. The Khaksars’ aim was to unite, and there is no history of them resorting to violence to achieve their objectives.

How then could this organization – which worked tirelessly to unite the people, regardless of race – possibly be considered fascist or violent?

Question: Can you provide more details regarding the Khaksar massacre in Lahore and the historic session of the All-India Muslim League (AIML), during which the Pakistan Resolution and Khaksar Resolution were passed?

Answer: On March 19, 1940, a bloody massacre took place in Lahore. Punjab Police indiscriminately opened fire on the Khaksars and many innocent Khaksars were injured or killed. This tragedy occurred only three days prior to the start of the historic session of the All-India Muslim League (March 22-24, 1940). The AIML, under dire public  pressure to seek redress for the massacre, passed the Khaksar Resolution during the same session in which the Pakistan Resolution was adopted. I have discussed this subject at length in the following books:

• Allama Mashriqi & Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan: Two Legends of Pakistan
• Hidden Facts Behind British India’s Freedom: A Scholarly Look into Allama Mashraqi and Quaid-e-Azam’s Political Conflict

Question: When – and why – did Punjab Premier Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan ban the Khaksar Tehrik in Punjab?

Answer: Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, Premier of Punjab and member of the Working Committee of the All-India Muslim League (AIML), banned the Khaksar Movement in Punjab on February 28, 1940. There were a number of motivations behind Sir Sikandar’s decision. First, he wanted to please the British, who were not fond of the Khaksars and were alarmed by their activities. Furthermore, Sir Sikandar himself, the All-India Muslim League, and non-Muslim parties felt threatened by the strength of the Khaksar Tehrik. Thus, it was considered imperative to ban the Movement and arrest Mashriqi.

Question: Was Mashriqi’s son’s (Ehsanullah Khan Aslam) death a result of police aggression?

Answer: Yes, on March 19, 1940 (the day of the Khaksar massacre in Lahore), police, accompanied by army soldiers, raided the Khaksar Tehrik’s headquarters in Lahore. During the raid, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam was hit by a police tear gas grenade. He later succumbed to the injury and died on May 31, 1940.

Note: Also see “Armughan-e-Hakeem” (a collection of poetry by Mashriqi), which includes Mashriqi’s poem in memory of Ehsanullah Khan Aslam.

Question: What happened to Mashriqi following his arrest in March of 1940?

Answer: After his arrest, the Government committed all types of atrocities against Mashriqi in an attempt to force him into disbanding the Movement. Below are some of the actions against Mashriqi:

• He was tortured and manhandled (including being placed in solitary confinement)
• He was imprisoned far from home to prevent his family from visiting him
• His sons were jailed
• His property and bank accounts were seized, his pension was confiscated, and his family was brought to the brink of starvation
• He was barred from attending Ehsanullah Khan Aslam’s (his son) funeral
• He was forced to pay for personal expenses in jail

Note: Also see Mashriqi’s telegram to Sir Stafford Cripps dated March 23, 1942 at the following link:
http://www.allamamashraqi.com/correspondence.html

Question: When was the Khaksar Tehrik banned in the entire British India?

Answer: As aforementioned, the Movement was first banned in Punjab on February 28, 1940. Then, in 1941, the Government of British India banned the Khaksar Tehrik throughout the entire India. This was an attempt by anti-Khaksar elements to eliminate the Movement from existence. However, they failed and the Movement survived all blows inflicted upon it. In fact, the higher the atrocities against the Movement, the more the masses sympathized with the Tehrik. Thus, the atrocities endured by the Khaksars united the nation and increased the momentum of the freedom movement.

Question: What was the Khaksar reaction to the ban on the Movement?

Answer: When the Khaksar Movement was banned in 1940, the Khaksars gave the rulers a long, tough, and most unparalleled fight. It is for this reason that the Viceroy of India declared the Movement to be the “most dangerous” organization. The Tehrik emerged as a strong pressure group and kept the authorities on edge. Intelligence agencies constantly monitored Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ activities. Without the pressure from the Khaksars, British India probably would never have sought its freedom. Thus, the Khaksars’ determined resistance against the British definitely played a vital part in shaping the future of India.

Question: Did the All-India Muslim League play a role in obtaining Allama Mashriqi’s release and the removal of the ban on the Khaksar Tehrik?

Answer: The AIML’s efforts for the release of Mashriqi and removal of the ban on the Khaksar Tehrik were nothing but “lip service” in order to circumvent the public pressure they were facing. Aside from the passing of a few resolutions, the AIML did not take any concrete action to obtain Mashriqi’s release. The Muslim League leadership did not organize any protest marches or even see Mashriqi in jail; they didn’t visit Mashriqi’s family to assist them during the ordeal; they didn’t attend Ehsanullah Khan Aslam’s (Mashriqi’s son, who was injured during a police raid on the Khaksar headquarters) funeral; they didn’t try to get Mashriqi’s property or bank accounts released when they were seized by the government.

Rather than support the Movement and push for Mashriqi’s release, the AIML - which resented the Tehrik as an independent political body - instead tried to bring the Movement under its flag while Mashriqi was in jail. Ultimately, the League’s attempt to undermine the independence of the Tehrik was thwarted and Mashriqi obtained his own release by fasting for 80 days in jail.

In short, the Muslim League took no real action to secure the removal of the ban on the Tehrik or the release of Allama Mashriqi.

Question: Was the ban on the Khaksar Tehrik part of a conspiracy against the Movement?

Answer: Yes, the conspiracy was perpetrated by anti-Khaksar elements.

Question: Was the assailant who attacked Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in 1943 a Khaksar?

Answer: Certainly not! This was a conspiracy hatched against the Khaksar Tehrik to defame the Movement and finish Mashriqi politically.

Despite the prosecution’s best attempts to prove that the assailant was a Khaksar, Justice Blagden of the Bombay High Court stated in his decision that there was no evidence to prove that Jinnah’s attacker was a Khaksar. Thus, there is no justification left to state that the assailant was a Khaksar.

Further details of the Bombay High Court trial are also published in Barrister Akbar A. Peerbhoy’s (Quaid-e-Azam’s nephew) book entitled “Jinnah Faces an Assasin”.

Question: Given the large grassroots following of the Khaksar Movement, why didn’t the Government of British India ever invite Mashriqi to represent his people?

Answer: The British were highly controlling and only wanted representation from those who met their criteria. Since Mashriqi would not follow their line, they didn’t invite him, despite the India-wide grassroots following he enjoyed.

Question: Why did Mashriqi think that the AIML was playing into the hands of the British?

Answer: Mashriqi realized that the British were applying a policy of “Divide and Rule” to achieve their vested objectives. He felt that the All-India Muslim League (AIML) was playing directly into the hands of the British by pushing the Two-Nation Theory for partition and creating friction between the Hindus and Muslims. To him, the Muslim League was least concerned with securing the future of the 100 million Muslims in British India. Rather, he felt that they were seeking to gain power by misleading the illiterate and poor Muslims into thinking that Islam was in danger in an undivided India. Thus, the All-India Muslim League (AIML) became a tool in the hands of the British by weakening the Muslims and depriving them of their country. Ultimately, Mashriqi held the British and the AIML responsible for dividing the Muslims and the country into three parts. Nationalists (Muslims and non-Muslims who opposed the partition of India) also shared Mashriqi’s views and considered the All-India Muslim League to be playing into the hands of the British. More details on their views can be found in various newspapers of the time.

Question: Why have some writers accused Mashriqi of causing division and dissension among the Muslims?

Answer: Unfortunately, anti-Mashriqi writers have fabricated stories and twisted facts in an attempt to create this perception of Mashriqi. The reality is that Mashriqi believed in uniting – not dividing – people, regardless of class, color, or creed. For example, consider that even when the All-India Muslim League, in a 1943 resolution, banned Leaguers from joining the Khaksar Tehrik, Mashriqi still did not stop Khaksars from becoming members of the Muslim League; the Khaksars were allowed to maintain membership in both parties at the same time (for example, Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung was a member of both parties simultaneously). How then, could Mashriqi possibly be accused of causing dissension among the Muslims?

Question: Why didn’t the Khaksar Tehrik work with the Muslim League?

Answer: Mashriqi did his best to reach out to the Muslim League and contacted Quaid-e-Azam on multiple occasions in this regard. However, while Mashriqi was hoping to bring the Muslims together for the benefit of the nation, the League only wanted to work with the Khaksars (and bring them under the League’s flag) in order to enhance their own power.

There were also ideological differences between the Tehrik and the League. While the Khaksar Tehrik aimed to serve the masses, Mashriqi believed that the Muslim League was working in favor of the British agenda; he felt that the League was only serving the elite and that their sole purpose was to seek power, even at the cost of dividing the Muslims; to him, the Muslim League didn’t have any history or genuine agenda for uplifting the masses.

Nevertheless, Mashriqi still made his best effort to try to reconcile the differences between the Khaksars and the League, as he knew that unity would benefit the people. In fact, Mashriqi even proposed that all Muslim parties in British India (including the Khaksar Tehrik) could be amalgamated to form one party, the All-India Azad Muslim League, in order to end British rule. For this purpose, he held a conference in Delhi from April 7-8, 1946. Quaid-e-Azam was invited to the said conference, but he did not come or respond to the idea.

Thus, Mashriqi made every effort to try to collaborate with the Muslim League (as well as other Muslim parties) to jointly seek freedom, but due to the League’s vested agenda, this was not possible. For more details on this topic, please refer to my book “Hidden Facts Behind British India’s Freedom: A Scholarly Look into Allama Mashraqi and Quaid-e-Azam’s Political Conflict.”

Question: Did Mashriqi become ineffective in the late 1940’s, as some have stated?

Answer: No, Mashriqi was a frontline politician all along; his pressure politics continued to be effective throughout his career.

Question: Why did the Khaksar Tehrik lose the elections in 1946-47?

Answer: The powerful bureaucracy in India ensured that the Khaksar Tehrik’s candidates did not emerge victorious. Anti-Khaksar elements were encouraged to use all methods to prevent the success of the Tehrik’s candidates. For instance, hired mobsters were sent by anti-Khaksar elements to disrupt the Tehrik’s public meetings by throwing furniture, beating attendees from the public with fists and lethal sticks, and disconnecting the electricity. The anti-Khaksar elements then had the incidents published in newspapers in order to send a false message to the masses that the public was against the Khaksar Tehrik. With the bureaucracy being biased, it was not possible for the Khaksar Tehrik’s candidates to win any seats.

Question: Why was Mashriqi against the partition of India?

Answer: Mashriqi did not think that partition was the solution to India’s problems; Muslims and Hindus had been living together for centuries, and could continue to do so.
He believed that their rights could be protected through a constitution that included a strong and independent judiciary. It is for this reason that he framed “The Constitution of Free India, 1946 A.C.” (also called the “Khaksar Constitution”) which protected the rights of Muslims and non-Muslims. Mashriqi felt that the real cause of the friction between Muslims and Hindus was the British, which is why he wanted to form a united front to oust the British from India.

Question: What did Mashriqi compel Quaid-e-Azam to meet with Mahatma Gandhi?

Answer: Mashriqi constantly preached unity among Muslims and Hindus. For this reason, he went to great lengths to bring together Jinnah and Gandhi for a meeting. His aim was to bring about a settlement between two prominent leaders of India and their people. He issued statements, sent persistent telegrams, and asked the Khaksars to do the same. Owing to his efforts, a meeting (September 09, 1944) did come about eventually, however, the results were not fruitful. Mashriqi’s efforts for an amicable settlement were to ensure freedom of India and avert bloodshed.

Question: What were Mashriqi’s views on communal violence?

Answer: To Mashriqi, communal violence was a result of the “Divide and Rule” policy of the British and the sentiment promoted by the All-India Muslim League - that of communalism and that India must be divided on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory. When political leaders began to spread the idea of division, this spurred hatred and violence between people who had lived together peacefully for generations. Hence, in Mashriqi’s eyes, communal violence anywhere in India could only be prevented if India was saved from division. That is why, right after Mashriqi came out of detention in 1942, he started to unite Muslims and Hindus to undo the “Divide and Rule” strategy of the British and stop the sense of hate that was growing fast between Muslims and Hindus.

Question: What were Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ efforts to stop communal violence?

Answer: Mashriqi did his best to avert communal violence and directed the Khaksars to preach unity. Below are some examples of Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ efforts to bring unity and prevent the massacre of the people:

• The Khaksars organized relief camps and provided shelter to many people in various cities
• The Khaksars paraded on the streets in different cities of British India in order to prevent the massacre of people
• On many occasions, Mashriqi provided shelter to common people at his house in Lahore
• Upon Mashriqi’s directive, Khaksars met Mahatma Gandhi on March 07, 1947 to discuss political matters including taking immediate steps to prevent murder of people.
• On May 29, 1947, Mashriqi issued a statement asking the people to start a revolution against the British Government and Muslim and Hindu leaders accepting partition. He did this in an effort to prevent the division of India and end communalism, which he could foresee would lead to hatred and violence in the region for centuries to come.
• On June 27, 1947, Mashriqi held a meeting at the Khaksar headquarters in Lahore to discuss the Khaksar Camp (assembly of Khaksars in New Delhi on June 30, 1947) and matters related to stopping racial violence. Mashriqi directed the Khaksars to meet leaders, including influential people in their respective areas, and ensure the safety of human lives and their property.
• The Free Press Journal of February 18, 1947 reported that:
“Dr. Abra…stated that the policy adopted at present by the Muslim League
would lead the Muslim masses nowhere. In fact, he said, it was suicidal. Over 125 Khaksar leaders from the Province are attending the [Khaksar] camp. The object of this camp, said Dr. Abra, was to train the Khaksar officers to propagate Hindu-Muslim unity and communal harmony. Also it intended to train them up as to how to act during communal strifes. Dr. Abra also revealed that at a recent meeting of Khaksar leaders from over the country convened by their leader Allama Mashriqui at Lahore the question regarding the role to be adopted during such emergencies was discussed.”
• As a final plunge toward the freedom of India and to keep India intact, Mashriqi made a call on March 01, 1947 asking for the assembly of 300,000 Khaksars on June 30, 1947 in Delhi.  According to press reports, 70,000 to 80,000 arrived in Delhi (according to the Khaksar circle, assembly of Khaksars was much more than 70,000 to 80,000). It is important to note that, despite strict preventive measures by the Government of British India and Section 144 in place in Delhi, such a large number of Khaksars were still able to gather. He asked Khaksars to come to Delhi so that in the case that the division of India could not be prevented, they would then extend the boundary of Pakistan up to Delhi. If the boundary of Pakistan was extended, the massacre of people in Punjab could have been averted. Since the required number (300,000) could not gather and All-India Muslim League (which was not willing to work with Khaksars) had already accepted the truncated Pakistan on June 09, 1947 as given by Lord Mountbatten (despite Khaksar protest at the Imperial Hotel), Mashriqi was highly saddened and disheartened. With a heavy heart, on July, 04, 1947, Mashriqi disbanded the Khaksar Tehrik.

Question: What is the total number of Khaksars that were injured, killed or jailed by the authorities during the freedom struggle for independence of British India?

Answer: There is no exact figure so far. However, from 1930 to 1947, a large number of Khaksars lost their lives due to unjust police firings. Furthermore, thousands of Khaksars were thrown in jail and many were sentenced to rigorous imprisonment ranging from months to life imprisonment. Mashriqi tried his best to seek their release, but the Government remained adamant and kept them in jail.

Question: When was the Islam League formed? What was the purpose of the Islam League?

Answer: Many people are unaware of the fact that Mashriqi formed the Islam League soon after independence in October of 1947. The Islam League was the first political party to register in Pakistan. Among the main purposes of the Islam League was to seek freedom for Kashmir, undo the injustices of the Radcliffe Award, and ensure that the civil rights of the Muslims in India (who never migrated to Pakistan) were fully protected.

Question: Was Mashriqi the head of the Islam League?

Answer: No. As founder of the League, Mashriqi could have easily become the head of the party, but he opted against it; instead, the president and other office bearers were chosen through the electoral process and the party was run by common people.

Question: What were Mashriqi’s endevours with regards to the Kashmir problem?

Answer: An entire book would be needed to comprehensively answer this question. In short, Mashriqi did his best to liberate Kashmir, but anti-Mashriqi elements in power always undermined his efforts. For example, in 1949, Mashriqi was denied a passport to travel to the USA to plead Kashmir’s case in front of the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations, despite the fact that Trygve Lie (Secretary General of the United Nations) informed Mashriqi that his representation would receive due consideration by the Commission. In another example, in 1957, Mashriqi attempted to organize a million man march towards the borders of India to mobilize world opinion in order to seek Kashmir’s freedom. However, he was arrested and the media was only allowed to cover those aspects that suited the Government.

“The Times” dated August 29, 1963 wrote: “in 1957 he [Mashriqi] led 300,000 followers” in order to seek Kashmir’s freedom. “The Hindu” daily dated August 29, 1963 also wrote, “In 1957, he led 3,00,000 followers to the border of Pakistan and India threatening to launch what he said would be a fight for ‘liberation of Kashmir’…Subsequently, his movement was disbanded” (The Hindu 1963 Aug. 29).

Question: Was Mashriqi arrested prior to the elections in 1951?

Answer: Yes, on January 11, 1951, Mashriqi was arrested prior to the elections under the Punjab Public Safety Act. This was to prevent him from promoting candidates of the Islam League (which was founded by Mashriqi). It is unfortunate that political opponents were not tolerated and democracy in Pakistan was crushed right from the nation’s very start. If the judiciary had been made independent from the initial years of independence, Mashriqi would not have been arrested for no reason. It is unfortunate that our founding fathers didn’t setup the foundation for a clean and strong democratic system.

Question: Why was Mashriqi implicated in Dr. Khan Sahib’s (ex-Chief Minister of West Pakistan) murder?

Answer: In 1958, Mashriqi was falsely implicated in Dr. Khan Sahib’s murder based on a concocted story. This is yet another example of political victimization. Political opponents wanted to get rid of Mashriqi and sought legitimacy through a court trial that would justify his hanging. Despite their desperate efforts, the prosecution failed to prove the charge filed against him and Mashriqi was honorably acquitted by the court and released on November 17, 1958.

Question: Was Mashriqi politically victimized following independence for opposing the All-India Muslim League on the division of India?

Answer: Of course! This is a long and sad tale that requires lengthy narration. In short, right after the creation of Pakistan, political opponents in power made Mashriqi’s life extremely difficult. Intelligence agencies hovered around him, his family, his relatives and his followers. Police raids at his house, the offices of the Islam League, and the residences of his followers were a routine matter. Mashriqi also endured harassment, threats, and fabricated court cases against him. He was kept under house arrest or imprisoned at various times under false allegations and was put through physical and mental torture. The political victimization by anti-Mashriqi elements has continued in books and articles and a lot of fabricated lies have been associated with him in order to damage his image.

Question: How many times – both before and after independence - was Mashriqi arrested or his movements placed under government restrictions?

Answer: The exact number of Mashriqi’s arrests and restrictions on his movements/house arrest are yet to be determined. Below are the details according to the records that have been traced thus far:

Arrests prior to Independence

• 1939 September 01
• 1939 September 13
• 1940 March 19
• 1947 June 11 (in Delhi)

Restrictions on Movements prior to Independence

• 1934 - Banned from entry into the North West Frontier Province (NWFP). The restrictions were removed on August 20, 1937
• January 1942 to December 1942 – His movements were restricted to the Madras Presidency*

*Under British rule, most of south India was integrated into a region called the Madras Presidency. In 1956, the Madras Presidency was disbanded and Tamil Nadu was established.

Arrests after independence in Pakistan

• 1950 October 03 - Arrested in Lahore along with his two sons
• 1951 January 11 - Arrested under the Punjab Public Safety Act
• 1957 January (exact date unknown)
• 1957 April 21
• 1957 October 19
• 1957 October 22
• 1957 October 28
• 1958 May 10 – Arrested along with his son
• 1962 May 06

House arrest

• 1962 (exact date unknown) - Mashriqi was under house arrest for about a year, despite the fact that he had cancer and was 74 years old.

Question: There was an article on Mashriqi under “Features” in “Dawn,” Karachi on April 11, 2004 where the author stated that Adolf Hitler had given a Renault car to Mashriqi as a gift. What do you think of the article?

Answer: Overall, the author of the article has done a good job in the piece. However, his information regarding the Renault car (French make) is mistaken. Mashriqi did not receive the car from Hitler, but rather purchased it himself in 1926 during his trip to France. In fact, Mashriqi purchased all of his vehicles (Renault, Hudson, and Jeep) himself.  In addition, why would Hitler present Mashriqi with a French car instead of a German make? And wouldn’t the Government of British India have known if Hitler had presented the car? Despite the Government of British India’s desperate efforts to tie Mashriqi to Hitler or declare the Khaksars’ Fifth Columnists, they were unable to find any connection.

Note: Also see the Central Legislative Assembly Debates on September 23, 1942 and the daily newspaper “The Tribune,” Lahore of September 24, 1942.

Question: There was an article in “Dawn”, Karachi on December 30, 2006. According to the article, a Khaksar perpetrated the attack on Jinnah on July 20, 1943. What do you think of the article?

Answer: I read the article. First of all, the date of the attack on Jinnah was not July 20, 1943; it was July 26, 1943. Regarding the misleading information that the assailant was a Khaksar, please see my letter to the Chief Editor of the “Dawn” Karachi below (the editor of “Dawn” published a portion of the letter in the paper dated January 12, 2007):

January 08, 2007

The Chief Editor
Dawn
Haroon House, Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed Road,
Karachi 74200, Pakistan.
Phone: 92 (21) 111-444-777  
Fax:  92 (21) 569-3995         
http://www.dawn.com

Subject: Feedback on Article

Dear Chief Editor,

I recently read an article on the Dawn internet edition (dated December 30, 2006) entitled “Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung: spell-binding orator.” In the article, the writer quoted that the attack on Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was by a Khaksar. I would like to point out that this statement is completely false. In fact, in his ruling (in the court case of the attack on Jinnah), Justice Blagden of the Bombay High Court strongly stated that there was absolutely no evidence that the assailant was a Khaksar. Therefore, there is no rationalization left to refer to the attacker as a Khaksar; I find it highly offensive and am deeply hurt to read it.

I would strongly urge a correction in order to set the record straight and solace the feelings of the respected Allama Mashraqi’s followers, who may have read the article. I also hope that in the future, Dawn will refrain from publishing articles containing misleading or false information.

I would appreciate it if you could acknowledge receipt of this message. Thanks in advance for your assistance in this matter.

Wishing you and your staff all the best.

Nasim Yousaf (Researcher & Author)
Grandson of Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi

Question: How was the media towards Mashriqi?

Answer: The media was highly controlled in those days. They could only publish what was acceptable to the authorities and, at times, were barred from giving coverage to Mashriqi’s political activities. Furthermore, some stories published in the press were either completely fabricated or misleading. Even today, Mashriqi’s point of view is not projected in the media.

Question: If Allama Mashriqi was against the creation of Pakistan, then why should he be considered a founding father of the country?

Answer: All I can say is that anyone who fought for the freedom of British India should be considered a founding father of both Pakistan and India. Mere drawing room politics could not have brought independence; it is well-known that achieving freedom requires resistance and sacrifice. For this reason, Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ fight for independence cannot be overlooked; many Khaksars were imprisoned or killed during the freedom movement and Mashriqi himself was imprisoned almost a half a dozen times. The reality is that Pakistan and India could not have achieved freedom without the sacrifices and painstaking efforts of people like Mashriqi and the Khaksars.

Question: What do you think of Mashriqi’s role as represented in various books and articles?

Answer: Mashriqi’s role has yet to be covered comprehensively.  Sadly, anti-Khaksar elements have distorted the facts, and in many cases have misrepresented Mashriqi’s views. Furthermore, they have completely ignored the crux of the Khaksar Movement; they have turned the Movement’s positives into negatives.

Question: Why hasn’t the Government of Pakistan created a research academy to collect and publish Khaksar materials or even named a University in Mashriqi’s honor? Why have Pakistani historians not covered Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik adequately?

Answer: The answer is very simple: Allama Mashriqi had political differences with Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (founder of Pakistan). Anti-Mashriqi lobbyists in Pakistan discourage research on the subject, as digging deeper into history could result in the discovery of some inconvenient truths. To keep Mashriqi’s point of view concealed, research agencies in Pakistan have not yet printed extensive Khaksar Tehrik and Islam League materials from 1930 to 1963. This means that researchers in Pakistan and abroad have no access to these parties’ unpublished materials, including “Al-Islah” weekly (one of the most important publications of the Khaksar Tehrik).

Thus, Mashriqi’s role has been misrepresented or kept hidden in order to prevent the revelation of any facts that could be damaging to the All-India Muslim League. It is unfortunate to note that, for political reasons, any opposition to the partition of British India by Mashriqi and other Muslim leaders has been barred from discussion. If this intolerance of differing viewpoints persists, the true facts of Pakistan’s history may never be revealed.

Question: What happened to the Allama Mashriqi library/museum that the Government of Punjab was planning to build in Lahore?

Answer: I am not aware of any progress on this project. However, there is a great need for such an institution in order to create awareness among the public of the Khaksar struggle towards independence.

Question: Are there any documentaries or films on the Khaksar Movement?

Answer: None that I am aware of. However, I feel that this would be an excellent project. If an individual has the resources, expertise and passion to make one, I would be more than happy to provide information.

Question: What needs to be done to bring Allama Mashriqi’s perspective to light?

Answer: There is a great need for a dedicated research academy to collect and publish original Khaksar materials. Currently, historians and researchers have limited (if any) access to Khaksar documents. There have not been any endeavors from the Government or research centers to publish Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s materials. Consequently, historians and researchers have no choice but to leave the subject aside or incorporate it insufficiently into their works; this has led to a misrepresentation of the facts and an incomprehensive history of Pakistan and India’s freedom. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that the Khaksar materials be brought to light so that people can make an informed decision regarding the differing viewpoints of the Khaksar Tehrik when compared to the AIML.

Question: Where is Mashriqi buried?

Answer: Mashriqi is buried in Ichhra (on Ferozepur Road) in Lahore, Pakistan. It was his desire to be buried in Ichhra, where he started the Khaksar Movement to revive the glory of the nation.

Question: What happened to Mashriqi’s property?

Answer: In his will, Mashriqi donated all of his property/wealth to a trust to be created after his death for the benefit of the nation. Mashriqi also specified in his will how the money was to be spent (including scholarships for bright and needy students for higher education).

Question: Does the Khaksar Tehrik still exist?

Answer: Yes, it still exists, but it’s no longer in the frontline politics, as it was in the pre-partition era. This is because the Khaksar ideology has always been to serve the masses and bring equality. Unfortunately, few in Pakistan today seem to believe in this ideology.

Question: What would Mashriqi have done if he was in power?

Answer: First of all, Mashriqi would not have opted to become the Head of the State or the Government. He was not seeking power for himself. Proof? Despite his tremendous popularity, Mashriqi never contested an election before or after partition. Even if he had become the Head of the State or Government, he would have continued to live like a commoner and advocated the following:

• Accountability for all persons, including the Head of the Government and State
• Establishment of a powerful judiciary
• Compulsory and free education for everyone with emphasis on science and research
• Disbandment of the feudal system
• Emphasis on building a nation with strong character and discipline
• Importance of sacrifice and community service
• Adoption of simplicity at all levels
• Program for removing disparity between the poor and the rich

Question: Where can one find Allama Mashriqi’s books?

Answer: Mashriqi’s books can be found in libraries or from retailers. For more information, please contact:

Al-Tazkira Publications
34-Zaildar Road
Icchra (Ferozepur Road), Lahore-54600, Pakistan

General Questions

Below are some additional general questions that I have been asked:

Question: How long have you been researching Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik and what you have done so far to bring Mashriqi’s perspective to light?

Answer: I consider myself lucky, as I had the opportunity to see, and interact with, Mashriqi in person when I was a child; during my school holidays, I used to stay at his house in Lahore. I was also fortunate to be able to learn about Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik through my mother, relatives, and the Khaksars. These experiences left a lasting impression on me, and so, I began my formal research on Mashriqi and the Tehrik in the USA in 1996. I have conducted my study at various research libraries within the USA and outside the US. My research is still ongoing and I devote a substantial amount of my time towards the cause in order to enlighten people regarding the said subject.

Question: Were you present at Mashriqi’s funeral?

Answer: Yes, I was on the vehicle carrying Mashriqi’s body throughout the duration of the funeral procession. It was a very touching experience, which I have described in more detail in my book entitled “Allama Mashriqi & Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan: Two Legends of Pakistan.”

Question: What do you think of the titled gentry in British India?

Answer: The simple answer is that these titles were awarded to individuals in return for services rendered in accordance with the wishes of the British. The British would not have bestowed any title or honor upon a person who was working against the interest of the rulers.

Question: What do you think of the manner in which Pakistan’s history has been written?

Answer: Unfortunately, it is incomplete and distorted. For those who believe that history is complete and correct, consider the following questions:

• Why are people only reading the All-India Muslim League’s side of the story?
• Why are Mashriqi’s reasons for keeping India intact not discussed?
• Why has the nationalists’ (who opposed the partition of India) perspective not been brought to light?
• Why have many of the Khaksar Tehrik and Islam League materials from 1930-1963 not been published by research institutions in Pakistan? Also, for those materials that have been published, why have they not been made available in libraries?

The following questions and answers were added on November 07, 2007:

Question: In an article in the daily Dawn, Karachi of June 17, 2007 (Magazine Section), the writer states that Nawab Jung left the Khaksar Tehrik in November 1943 because the Khaksar Tehrik’s policies created dissention amongst the Muslims. Is this correct?

Answer: This is an absolutely misleading statement! The fact of the matter is that after Justice Blagden of the Bombay High Court refused to accept that Jinnah’s assassin was a Khaksar, the All-India Muslim League (AIML) held a session in November 1943, chaired by Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. In this session, the AIML passed a resolution barring AIML members from being part of the Khaksar Tehrik. Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung left the Khaksar Tehrik after this resolution.

It is important to note that despite this, the Khaksar Tehrik did not pass any resolution prohibiting Khaksars to be part of the AIML. The Khaksars were free to keep membership of both parties at the same time. Hence, it was the AlML’s policies that created dissention amongst the Muslims. The AIML was responsible for dividing Muslims into three parts; India, East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and West Pakistan.

Question: How can peace between Pakistan and India be achieved?

Answer: To achieve peace in the region, Allama Mashriqi’s vision of coexisting needs to be realized. If his philosophy, which opposes the Two-Nation Theory, was understood, the region would not have become one of the most dangerous areas in the world today. Both nations now possess nuclear arsenals, and if these weapons are ever used, this will result in colossal damage to humanity.

Mashriqi’s philosophy of coexistence, regardless of religion, class, caste, color or creed, is critical and applicable across the world; his ideas are inspiring for people from all faiths.

To achieve lasting peace in the region and to create an environment in which people can benefit and progress, Pakistan and India should unite. If the Berlin wall can be demolished to unite East and West Germany, why can Pakistan and India not become one again? Present and future generations will benefit from this, and this is best means to ensure a better future for South Asia, where many commonalities exist.

Question: In spite of his large following, why did Mashriqi’s followers not write about him or the Movement?

Answer: Despite difficulties, many books are written on Mashriqi; however, most of them are in Urdu.

More books would have been written if freedom of speech existed in Pakistan. Many of Mashriqi’s supporters wanted to write on him, but they were threatened with dire consequences if they ever criticized Quaid-e-Azam or the Two-Nation Theory.

Moreover, materials on Mashraqi and the Tehreek are challenging to acquire. Access to the Khaksar material in National Archives of Pakistan and India is difficult, and there is a general lack of Khaksar material in domestic and public libraries. Where Khaksar material is available, poor indexing and cataloging poses an additional challenge.